On June 5, 2021, a significant joint letter was sent to Saeed Izadi from three top Hamas military leaders – Yahya Sinwar, Mohammed Deif and Marwan Issa. The letter celebrated what they called the “divine victory,” paid tribute to Qasem Soleimani, and expressed gratitude for Iran's assistance and readiness to join the conflict if needed.
The three Hamas leaders made an urgent appeal for Iranian support to rebuild their military capabilities, specifically requesting Saeed Izadi's intervention with Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and Quds Force Commander Ismail Qaani to secure 500 million dollars over two years for their anti-Israel operations. They pledged that all funds would be dedicated to their campaign against Israel, writing: “We collectively rely on your forceful support of our request to His Excellency the Master and Leader Ali Khamenei, and Brother Leader Ismail Qaani, to double your contribution toward the mission of liberating and eliminating the entity called Israel.”
Internal Power Struggles The documents reveal how Izadi viewed Hamas-Hezbollah cooperation in Lebanon as a strategic priority, working to establish clear boundaries, enhance coordination, and directly oversee the development of Hamas's Lebanese capabilities. Correspondence seized in Gaza exposed tensions between Iran and Hamas regarding the organization's activities in Lebanon, particularly evident in exchanges between Khaled Mashal and Marwan Issa dated May 22, 2022.
Mashal detailed his visit to Iran and meeting with Izadi's deputy, where they discussed Izadi's negotiations with Hassan Nasrallah concerning Hamas's Lebanon operations, as well as discussions with Haj Abdul Qadir, designated as the supreme overseer of Hamas activities in Lebanon. Mashal later met directly with Izadi in Lebanon to discuss specific details of the Hamas-Hezbollah cooperation agreement.
Mashal reported that Izadi described the Palestinian project in Lebanon as “a cornerstone of Iranian philosophy, aimed at uniting all nationalities – Lebanese, Iraqi and Yemeni – in the liberation project” – their term for the war against Israel.
However, Mashal outlined several historical concerns: Lebanon's complex sectarian and political landscape that traditionally resisted such initiatives, the complicated history of Palestinian presence in Lebanon and its negative legacy in Lebanese consciousness, plus recent events in Syria and Hezbollah's fears about Palestinian weapons potentially being turned against their forces within Lebanon. To address these concerns, Izadi proposed implementing strict weapons controls on Hamas in Lebanon and establishing clear command structure protocols.
In his detailed report to Issa, Mashal acknowledged being impressed by Izadi's vision for Hamas’ Lebanon presence, which called for approximately 2,000 operatives initially, with potential for expansion once Hezbollah's concerns were adequately addressed. According to Izadi's framework, Hamas's primary mission would be supporting Hezbollah's offensive operations.
Mashal emphasized that Izadi and Hezbollah harbored serious concerns about Hamas's Lebanese presence, particularly regarding their possession of missiles and drones and the potential for uncoordinated attacks against Israel. To alleviate these concerns, Izadi insisted that command authority over Lebanese forces must rest with Hamas leadership in Gaza rather than its external leadership – a clear attempt to maintain control over Hamas's military wing in Gaza.
Mashal strongly opposed this arrangement, reporting that discussions with Iranian representatives became quite heated. He firmly rejected Gaza-based control over Lebanon operations, insisting instead that external leadership under his authority should oversee the project. Mashal concluded his letter to Issa by presenting two options: either accept Izadi's terms or proceed independently without Iranian agreement. “My recommendation is to disregard the Haj's position,” Mashal advised – further evidence of the growing rift between Izadi and Mashal over spheres of influence within Hamas.
A subsequent September 2022 letter from Mashal described another contentious meeting with Izadi's representatives, where he faced accusations of deliberately undermining the Lebanon initiative. Mashal reported defending his position by distinguishing between his personal views and Hamas's official stance. Izadi's deputy strongly urged Mashal to reconsider, emphasizing the project's critical strategic value. The deputy noted that Hamas's involvement would significantly expand their operational capacity, particularly in southern Lebanon's Sunni villages where Hezbollah lacked influence, and stressed that Iran was counting on Hamas rather than PIJ for this mission.
Later in this letter, Mashal recounted a direct meeting with Izadi (referred to as Haj Ramadan), where he confronted accusations that his team was spreading misinformation and attempting to blame him for the project's slow progress. Mashal insisted that Hamas must retain full operational control in Lebanon, including rules of engagement decisions.
“During my final meeting with Haj Ramadan,” Mashal wrote, “I confronted him about false information circulating among your colleagues in the Guards and the party [Hezbollah], portraying me as the obstacle to the jihadi project. He smiled and responded, ‘I haven't briefed them on recent developments or your brother's refusal abroad. I'm not concerned about presenting these details to them, so they remain fixed on the initial narrative that you're unwilling to manage the project.’ I asked him about their progress, to which he replied, ‘While we proceed with training to save time, try to convince your brother about the project's importance and viability. Those coming from Gaza need not stay permanently – we can implement a two-year trial period until mutual trust is established.'”
Beyond these tensions, extensive correspondence between Izadi and Hamas leadership reveals his persistent efforts to restore relationships between various factions. In a June 8, 2022 exchange between Haniyeh and Izadi, the latter detailed his diplomatic efforts to persuade Hamas leadership to formally restore relations with Syria. Izadi described multiple meetings with senior Hamas official Osama Hamdan and Hassan Nasrallah, emphasizing the need for careful messaging from Hamas leaders regarding Syria. Once again, Mashal and his supporters were specifically criticized for opposing reconciliation with Assad.
According to the research institute's documents, Izadi presented evidence of Hamas elements actively supporting anti-Assad rebels. Haniyeh responded with a commitment to transform relations with Syria and implement the agreed normalization with Damascus. Haniyeh, who was later eliminated during the current conflict, acknowledged awareness of “certain elements within the movement resisting this direction” but promised concentrated efforts to shift this internal dynamic.
“In light of your valued correspondence,” Haniyeh wrote, “and given our understanding of both internal and external factors affecting these relations, we will certainly undertake extensive efforts to cultivate an appropriate atmosphere for implementing this decision. Ongoing consultation and cooperation remain essential. We deeply appreciate the efforts by His Excellency and yourself with the Syrian state, which have helped foster a positive and respectful foundation for these relations.”
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